Abstract:An anthropological approach to understanding ritual infanticide in the Yom environment in Benin
Kouami Auguste Takpe §
&
Mora Abdoulaye Bénon
Summary: Infanticide is often practiced by the Yom community. It consists in killing infants deemed to be child witches. No other socio-cultural group is the source of this practice, even if it exists in other forms elsewhere. The aim of this research is to analyze the problem of the persistence of the phenomenon of ritual infanticide in the Yom community. Qualitative in nature, a methodological approach based on documentary research, observation and interviews with 51 individuals was used, using the technique of reasoned choice and snowballing. B. Malinowki's functionalist strategic approaches and A. Ogien's sociological determinism of deviance were used to analyze the data. Ogien were used to analyze the data. The research revealed that children born at eight months, buttocks up, face up, starting dentition with the upper jaw, with visible birth defects, are considered a curse by the community. They must therefore be removed by physical extermination, so that peace reigns in the community.
Keywords : Practices, infanticide, child sorcerers, Yom community, Copargo.
Abstract: Infanticide is often practiced by the Yom community. It is a phenomenon that consists of killing infants deemed to be witch children. No other socio-cultural group is the source of this practice, even if it exists in other forms elsewhere. The present research aims to analyze the problem of the persistence of the phenomenon of ritual infanticide in the Yom community. A qualitative methodological approach based on documentary research, observation and interviews with 51 individuals was used, using the technique of reasoned choice and snowballing. The strategic functionalist approaches of B. Malinowki and the determinism of the sociology of deviance of A. Ogien were used to analyze the data. The research reveals that children born at eight months by the buttocks, face up, beginning dentition through the upper jaw, with visible birth defects are considered a source of curse by the community. They must then be removed by physical extermination so that peace reigns in the community.
Keywords: Practices, infanticide, child witches, Yom community, Copargo.
Introduction
At some point in their history, Yom communities have experienced practices that violate fundamental human rights, including ritual infanticide. For decades, it has been written that infanticide is a practice found in all civilizations (Toko Maman 39). Ritual infanticide practices persist and flagrantly violate human rights, in particular the right to life.
In many of Benin's northern communities, individuals who transgress fundamental human freedoms are executed, particularly newborn children or those who grow up not respecting social norms" (Gbégnonvi 16). In Yom communities, certain children are eliminated in the name of a certain ancestral tradition, according to which "a baby born and then growing up in a strange way, threatens its family, its village, by bringing illnesses and curses of all kinds that can lead to death" (Avimadjessi 3).
To let them live is to ignore the rules and norms of the afterlife, and thus incur the wrath of the ancestors. Handing him over to the executioner, to allow him to be reincarnated, is therefore an act of salvation for the whole village (Bio Samou 20). The basis of this practice lies in the way these communities perceive and explain misunderstood phenomena. It is a perception reinforced by the social pride in force in the family hierarchy and developed in certain localities. "The practice of infanticide originated in both Baatombu and Yom communities. No other culture or socio-cultural group is its source, even if it exists in other forms elsewhere" (Bio Bigou17).
The practice of infanticide is a real crime against the human race. According to him, infanticide is practiced to preserve peace and quiet, based on superstition. Children represent a danger to society. "Ritual infanticide is not carried out to honor a god, as is the case in African kingdoms. Rather, it is to ward off the evil spell that threatens the life of society when a sorcerer's child is born" (Mohamed 18). Despite the fact that infanticide deprives children of their fundamental rights, few large-scale actions have been taken to eradicate the phenomenon.
This research aims to analyze the problem of the persistence of the phenomenon of ritual infanticide in the Yom community. The aim is to identify the determinants of infanticide and to analyze the strategies used by NGOs to combat the phenomenon.
- Physico-social and methodological framework of the research
The fieldwork was carried out in the Yom community of the Copargo commune. Religions practiced in this area include traditional religions, Islam, Catholicism, Protestantism and others assimilated to Christianity (Copargo). Covering an area of 876 km2, Copargo is bordered to the north by the communes of Natitingou and Kouandé, to the southwest by the commune of Ouaké, to the southeast by the commune of Djougou, and to the west by the Republic of Togo. Its total population is around 75,665. The main socio-cultural groups encountered in the Copargo commune are Tanéka, Lokpa, Kabrè, Nyammi, Dendi Otamari, Bariba, and Yôm, who constitute the target populations of the research.
Despite the importation of revealed religions, the people are firmly attached to their ancestral practices. There is a king, dignitaries of the Fa oracle, and a land chief who officiates propitiatory rites and offerings. It is he who, on the king's orders, conjures up any misfortunes that may befall the community. The king embodies traditional hierarchical power and plays a significant role in village decision-making. People are already aware of what can contaminate their environment, which is why the birth of a child known as a sorcerer serves as an offering to evil spirits. Every year, premature birth ceremonies and other festivities are organized to keep the community in balance.
To carry out this research, a methodological approach was adopted. A literature search was carried out, with a reading list indicating the main works to be consulted. Next, direct observation was used as an observation grid to help observe the phenomenon. Finally, a direct interview was conducted using the interview grid, with the populations targeted for research. The research covered 51 individuals before reaching saturation point. These included fathers of families, mothers of children, endogenous worship leaders, traditional chiefs, ngo leaders, local authorities, opinion leaders and others, using the reasoned choice and snowball technique. B. Malinowki's functionalist strategic approaches and A. Ogien's determinism of the sociology of deviance were used to analyze the data. Ogien were used to analyze the data.
2. Search results
2.1. Socio-anthropological causes of infanticide
When a child has to be physically eliminated at birth, it's obvious that such a situation represents a great loss for the parents. And this loss will be keenly felt physically, psychologically, morally and emotionally. After all, every child is unique. They are irreplaceable. To believe, therefore, that future births will be a solution to the physical elimination of a child is nothing but wishful thinking. Unfortunately, such a solution has no effect on the conscience of the parents, who will always remember their offspring, even if they are condemned to silence.
Although they are apparently less affected than the parents, the other members of the family group are not spared the consequences of the act. For them too, the physical elimination of a newborn child constitutes a family bereavement. And when you consider the solidarity that drives all members of the group in the face of grief, you can't say they're unaffected. In any case, it's a loss for the whole group. And the fundamental cause underlying the act of infanticide sometimes engenders a permanent psychosis in the whole family" (D. F. Teacher, 41).
The belief in the physical elimination of undesirable newborns inevitably increases the infant mortality rate in any relatively large cultural area. Thus, with each case of infanticide, the population of the community decreases, leading inevitably to a decrease in the national population. As some people have said, "You don't know the star of the child you've just sacrificed. He might have been useful to his community or his country," says a local schoolteacher.
2.2 Criteria and methods for eliminating children thought to be witches
In Yom communities, there are known criteria for identifying children who are witches at birth, or who become witches at some point in their childhood. Most of those interviewed were aware of the main criteria that make a child a witch. In fact, the resource persons in charge of NGOs, wise men and dignitaries all know the criteria that make a child an undesirable being, a witch.
Children born prematurely or with teeth through the buttocks, sitting or face down are automatically considered witches. Also, when a child starts teething through the upper jaw or at eight months of age, he or she is declared a witch. It is above all premature birth at eight months or with teeth, and the pushing of the first teeth through the upper jaw that can lead society to declare a child a witch (G.K. Dignitary of endogenous religion, 71 years old).
The eighth month is a dangerous or bad month. The community believes that the number eight makes no sense. This number corresponds to August, the flood period. Every child born will be washed away. That's why children born or teething at this time are considered harmful. These criteria are not exactly the same in all the regions concerned, and may be slightly nuanced from one place to another.
2.3. Stakeholders' perceptions of child witches
The basis on which the Yom community perpetuates the practice of the ritual of homicide is the scrupulous respect of ancestral rules which stipulate that any child who does not respect the norms of birth prescribed by society must absolutely be put to death at the risk of seeing misfortune befall the family.
Also, the firm belief in supernatural forces and the fear of displeasing the ancestors, despite the influence of imported religions such as Islam, the Yom socio-cultural group continues to perpetuate this practice. Children often subjected to the phenomenon include those born with teeth, those born through the buttocks, arms or feet, and those born prematurely.
Stakeholders' views on children believed to be witches vary according to their socio-professional rank in society. As far as local elected representatives are concerned, many of them accept the idea that children who present the abnormal criteria presented above, can be dangerous and evil. But they still recognize the need to give them a human name, like all normal children. Even if they look normal, these children have an evil spirit that they cannot control. It is this spirit that causes misfortune. On the other hand, for those in charge of structures to combat the practice, there is no difference between a child born "normally" and one born "abnormally". It's a witch child who's not a monster. It's a viable child who is neither physically nor mentally handicapped.
For the holders of Yom customs and traditions, children born with their teeth at the top of their jaws lose at least one of their parents as soon as one of the teeth falls out. They go further to demonstrate that, apart from teeth, children born through the feet bring misfortune not only to the parents, but also to the whole community.
To this end, a dignitary clarifies:
A child born with a disability represents a misfortune for his or her family. In the community's understanding, there is only one way to be born or to teethe. A baby born breech, shoulder or otherwise is not a normal being. It's an evil genie that needs to be conjured up so that it can return in a more acceptable guise. It has nothing in common with human beings, except in appearance. Hence the nicknames "fabulous", "strange", "extraordinary" and so on. This child emanates an evil spirit, a devastating force. The fact that he was born face down, for example, is interpreted in the following way: the baby will crush the whole family and do whatever he wants with them (G.M., Tradition keeper, 72 years old).
Most of the women interviewed also pass judgment on these so-called witch children. Indeed, when children are born with abnormal criteria, they always bring misfortune on their families. Many women claim that these types of children appear in dreams and threaten to kill anyone who recognizes them. Since health workers, teachers, farmers and religious leaders all belong to a sociolinguistic and cultural group, they also have an appreciation of the consequences of the presence of a child sorcerer.
When approached, most of the community's advanced members are neither fig nor grape. True, they recognize the loss of human life, but they consider the practice to be part of the community's culture. As for another category of individuals, such as health workers, justice personnel and NGO leaders, they are unanimous in their condemnation of the phenomena. For them, the human soul is sacred. Human rights must be respected. Agents prove that through treatment, parents can overcome anything that the community considers taboo.
2.4. Persistence of the infanticide phenomenon
Most of the people we spoke to acknowledged that the practice persists, even though it has diminished in scale. They admit that not everyone is ready to give up the practice of the phenomenon because of its sacred nature, inherited from the ancestors. Despite state repression, communities continue the practice. They cling to tradition. A pocket of individuals resists repression. It has to be said that nowadays, people no longer kill child witches. They prefer to give them to the Peulhs in exchange for gifts such as livestock or food. Children abandoned illegally make up the majority of the Gando population.[1].
With the priority option of purification, which enables the child to be accepted by his or her entourage and society, a new awareness is emerging. This is not the case with women, who find it hard to accept them. Let's follow the words of one such woman:
People said I was the one who gave birth to that unlucky child. No, it wasn't me. Whoever was there when I gave birth would have changed my baby. I can't give birth to a child like that. It's not my child (D. F. 39-year-old mother).
Indeed, few of them acknowledge that the practice has diminished, but affirm that they continue underground. On the other hand, they do admit that children are no longer ritually killed, and that executioners are abandoning the trade.
Despite the efforts made by the authorities and the local population to eradicate ritual infanticide, there are still pockets of resistance, mainly due to factors beyond their control. These can be summed up in four main points: ignorance and illiteracy; the weight of tradition, as practices inherited from ancestors are difficult to abandon; fear of the gaze of others; and respect for ancestral prescriptions, so as not to anger them.
Communal authorities and NGO leaders are unanimous that the various factors listed above are the main causes underlying the persistence of ritual infanticide in the Yom... community.
3. Discussion
The rejection of so-called "witch children" is deeply rooted in people's mentalities. This belief has been passed down from generation to generation. From childhood onwards, young people are widely informed about the practice. This belief is an integral part of their education and culture. The 'witch children' who have massacred families are dispatched to warn off those who might doubt their evil powers.
The best-known criteria are the pushing of the first teeth through the upper jaw, the pushing of the first teeth at 8 months, and birth at eight months is still dreaded. For children who have developed witchcraft criteria to be tolerated, they must undergo a healing rite called sombu to become human. The concept sombu means reparation, a process during which a child who has been declared a witch, but who is not automatically doomed to infanticide by the decision of those around him, must undergo reparation. This is achieved by subjecting the child to special rituals to ensure that he or she is once again accepted by the family.
As A. Toko Maman (50) in the following terms:
The rites consist of sprinkling the child's body with decoctions of herbs, while incantations are made to ward off bad luck and "send the evil genie" back into nature or the "body of a wild animal". It's only after this reparation that the child and family are purified. This is a symbolic ceremony during which the child is presented to his family as one of their own (a human being), and they in turn accept the child as part of the community once he has been "repaired". The purification of the victim family also reassures them that the ancestors have forgiven them for having had a witch/witch child in their lineage.
Purification of the child considered to be a sorcerer is now the solution envisaged by the majority of the social players concerned, even if not everyone opts for it. Some simply throw the child away. The evolution of tradition over time shows that infanticide, once practised unequivocally, is now called into question by the guarantors themselves.
Infanticide is seen as the practice of physically eliminating a child declared to be a sorcerer, in view of the norms governing procreation in this environment. It is also seen as self-defense against an unhealthy being who wants to destroy his own. Isn't this what prompts us to explain :
As soon as a child is declared a sorcerer, the head of the community fetches the executioner, who takes away the baby, never to be seen again. The executioner may slit the child's throat, drown it, poison it, or leave it alive far away in the forest at the mercy of the weather and wild beasts (Gobi 54).
Compared to this and to their understanding, the one who is called executioner is rather a benefactor, a liberator, like the one who has the courage to kill a monster or a devil threatening everyone. And this liberator is well rewarded for his work. Indeed, he receives a bull when the child he has executed is male, and a heifer when the child is female.
In other regions, money, clothing or other gifts are offered. The function of executioner is defined by the community according to well-established rules. Not just anyone can become an executioner. To become one, you have to come from the community and be known as a person who respects authority and culture. You also have to undergo an initiation rite to learn the secrets of plants and the forest, and to make contact with the genies. The role of executioner is not the prerogative of any particular family. The guardians of tradition choose the executioner according to the criteria listed above.
Despite the evolution of traditional society, which has come into contact with other societies, this people continues to persist with certain ancestral practices such as excision and infanticide, as their customs and habits are designed to protect society (Adoukonou 45). These include the elimination of so-called witch children. Tradition demands that they be sacrificed. Unlucky children are then entrusted to repairers who may decide to smash their skulls against a tree trunk or by any other means.
The rejection of child witches is deeply rooted in people's mentalities. For decades, this belief has been passed down from generation to generation. From childhood onwards, young people are widely informed about the practice. This belief is an integral part of their education and culture. Mythical examples of child witches slaughtering families are found and given to warn those who might doubt their evil powers. The result is quite convincing (Avimadjessi 5).
To combat this state of mind, traditionalists, local authorities and NGO leaders are firmly committed to fighting the practice, despite the cult-like and sacred nature of the phenomenon. The basis of this practice lies in the way the Yom community perceives and explains misunderstood phenomena. It's a perception reinforced by the social pride in force in the family hierarchy and developed in certain localities.
The actual fight against this phenomenon is not well oiled in the community. The law punishing the phenomenon is not enforced to the full, otherwise the practice could have been eradicated, following the example of the measures taken by the State against excision throughout Benin. However, with the advent of modern therapy and the construction of health centers and maternity wards in every hamlet, the phenomenon of the so-called "witch child" is no longer as common in the countryside as it was in the community.
The vast subject of infanticide has certainly not been exhausted in the course of this research. Nor has there been any question of putting on trial the peoples and ethnic groups who have practised or are still practising it, because if we look at things closely, we can safely say that these peoples and socio-cultural groups are ultimately victims of a past that continues to impose itself painfully upon them. It is therefore the effort of all human beings, in all countries, that will deliver these peoples and save the children still under threat. The laws and strength of the State must be unstinting in this fight.
Conclusion
Research into the problem of ritual infanticide in the Yom community has shown that the phenomenon seems to have disappeared. But this is only an appearance that is perceptible in large conurbations. In reality, even if the practice has diminished in scale, it persists in other settings, with more refined strategies, as the Yom are still conservative in their traditions. On the ground, several forms of combating this form of infanticide are being carried out.
The main reason why the Yom community perpetuates this practice is the scrupulous respect for ancestral laws, which stipulate that any child who does not respect the birth norms prescribed by society must absolutely be put to death, at the risk of seeing misfortune befall the family. Despite the influence of imported religions such as Islam and Christianity, the firm belief in supernatural forces and ancestors continues to be perpetuated by the Yom.
The state is not properly involved in the fight against this scourge, which is still with us today. We can't raise awareness of the practice of infanticide in the name of medical progress without increasing the creation of health centers in localities where they don't yet exist. This is a duty incumbent on public authorities and private structures alike. In the end, communities are victims of a past that continues to impose itself painfully upon them. Awareness-raising is the main strategy to be employed by the structures involved in the fight against this customary practice, as well as NGOs and local and religious authorities.
Works quoted
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How to cite this article:
MLA: Takpe, Kouami Auguste and Mora Abdoulaye Bénon. "Anthropological approach to understanding ritual infanticide in the Yom milieu in Benin." Uirtus 1.1 (August 2021): 88-99.
§ University of Abomey-Calavi, [email protected]
[1] Gando: these are socio-cultural groups from the Baatombu, Lokpa, Yom, etc. peoples who have escaped the phenomenon of ritual infanticide of children presumed to be witches, and who have been recaptured by the Peuhls.